EXCERPTS

GRUBISIC EXHIBIT NO. 4

Room 315
407 South Dearborn
Chicago 60605
Phone 939-2666

CONVENTION NOTES

first issue
february 17, 1968

published by the March 23rd

CONVENTION COMMITTEE

MINUTES: FEBRUARY 11 MEETING

summary: On February 11, an ad hoc committee of 34 people (names attached) met in Chicago to discuss a method for making decisions about a possible challenge to the Democratic National Convention.

The meeting was co-chaired by Carlos Russell from New York and Rennie Davis from Chicago.

The agenda included:

Morning: General discussion of alternative perspectives and programs for the Convention.

Afternoon (early): Black and white workshops to develop a democratic method for making decisions about possible actions and programs related to the Convention.

Afternoon (late): Report from the two workshops. Establishment of an interim committee. Adoption of a structure proposal.

The decisions, stated briefly, were:

(1) to establish an interim committee of the following people: Carolyn Black, Earl Durham, Corky Gonzoles, Lincoln Lynch, Carlos Russell, Rennie Davis, Dave Dellinger, Bob Greenblatt, Tom Hayden, Sue Munacker.

(2) to call and plan for a representative movement conference on March 24-25 in the mid-West. The conference participation should include representation from all major black liberation and anti-war organizations with attention given to the breadth, constituency base, and interest of the people receiving invitations.

(3) to prepare people attending this conference to make political decisions. Working papers outlining four alternative strategies should be prepared and distributed before the conference. Regional and organizational meetings should be encouraged to discuss the various proposals prior to March 23-24.

(4) to develop an agenda for the March conference which can allow decision-making on a general strategy for the Democratic Convention and establish machinery for developing and carrying out that strategy.

(Apologies for omission or misrepresentation, if any)

Dave Dellinger: Reported on the background to this Chicago planning meeting. In December, the National Mobilization to End the War in Vietnam discussed the Democratic Convention as a possible target for a major movement convergence. The Mobilization decided to initiate a broad conference of movement representatives to consider possible actions at the Chicago Convention. To plan this conference, the officers of the National Mobilization called a meeting in New York to discuss the feasibility of such a conference. The planning session in New York (Jan. 27) had virtually no representation from black organizations. The New York meeting established an interim committee to prepare for a second planning meeting in Chicago that would seek to be more representative of the movements. The interim committee included Rennie Davis, Dave Dellinger, Tom Hayden, Carlos Russel, Cora Weiss. February 11 was set as the date for a second planning meeting.

The meeting today is meant to be open ended. We may decide that we would not want to work together. We should not consider ourselves bound by earlier meetings.

Carlos Russell: Proposed agenda for the meeting. Morning: Discussion of alternative strategic perspectives on the Democratic Convention. Afternoon (early): black and white workshops to develop a democratic method for choosing a strategy. Afternoon (late): Discussion of any structure proposals.

The agenda has been discussed informally by groups that met last night. Is there additional discussion or suggestions?

Sidney Peck: I didn't know that people were going to meet last night and could have been present. We have had problems in the last two meetings with communication and must correct this if we are to work well together.

Carlos: Suggest that Rennie Davis and I report on informal meetings last night.

Rennie Davis: Last night, I reported that I thought the major movement positions on the Democratic Convention could be reduced to four paragraphs and that the movement should be given an opportunity to decide on one of these four views.

1. DISRUPTION

One view, popular in the press, holds that the movement should prevent the Convention from assemblying. The Democratic Party is totally illegitimate and should be destroyed. The movement should do everything possible to disrupt its deliberations in August.

2. ELECTORAL ALTERNATIVES

A second view says that the movement must offer a concrete political alternative to the Johnson-Nixon race. We should call for the creation of a third party and/or project a Presidential candidate who runs against racism and imperialism. Perhaps in August we should hold a counter-convention to nominate our own slate.

3. STAY HOME

A third view foresees any demonstration playing into Johnson's hands. Johnson wants violence and is setting up the movement for a giant "bust" in which the movement will lose support from average Americans. The best thing is to stay home or organize demonstrations in every city except Chicago.

4. DISCIPLINED, COORDINATED DEMONSTRATION

A fourth view argues that thousands of people will come to Chicago whatever we do. We should take advantage of this time to dramatize to the world the millions of Americans who feel unrepresented by the Johnson-Nixon "choice." This view emphasizes local organizing and education about the Democratic Party to prepare the country for August, and organization against disruption and violence in Chicago.

Art Waskow has sent us a memo which suggests some specific ideas for the #4 approach. Art would emphasize local organizing this summer which helped the country to focus on the illegitimacy of the Democratic Party and its unwillingness to act creatively on the crisis of our cities, racism, and the war. Perhaps Democratic Peoples Assemblies could meet locally which would take up these issues. People could then come to Chicago demanding that the Convention focus on the crisis and take up the major problems in an "open forum." On the first day, the demand would be that the Convention focus on the crisis of the cities. Demonstrations could be organized at welfare offices, police stations, schools and urban renewal offices to dramatize this demand. On the second day, actions would dramatize the war and foreign policy by focusing on draft boards, induction centers and corporate war manufacturers. The last day might center on the unrepresentativeness of the Democratic Party as an institution, which cannot claim to represent the interest of ordinary Americans because of its control by business, military and political interests tied to the Democratic gravy train. Art has developed his scheme in several pages and I suggest that you read this memo.

Carlos: I will report on the black caucus meeting last night. Not everyone expecting to attend the meeting today was able to come. [ ], for example, had an emergency executive committee meeting today in Mississippi and expressed regrets they could not have someone there. George Wiley will be arriving later today. Dave Dellinger has reported that John Wilson is expected.

Radical whites today are basically occupied with anti-war activity. Blacks are focusing on black liberation. Any participation of blacks in a parallel strategy with whites at the Convention will be based on a dual theme of racism and imperialism. Any preparation for the Convention would see blacks organizing around black liberation locally and whites reaching out to their own communities around the issue of war and imperialism. The #3 position, advocated by some, is a cop out.

We would hope that the movement would come out of the convention activities understanding that Johnson per se is not the enemy. The enemy is the system of racism and imperialism.

We believe a parallel structure of anti-war and black liberation organizations around a Convention challenge is possible. Leadership for the challenge would be elected separately by anti-war and black organizations. The separate leadership would hire separate black and white staffs to work in their own communities. But on questions of common policy, the two leadership groups would meet together and function together.

Unless there are questions about the reports, I would suggest we get right into the general discussion on perspective.

Lincoln Lynch: We want a confrontation? What form will this confrontation take? What contingencies are we planning for - hippies yippies and so on? How are you going to discredit Daley and show him to be a liar? How will we present challenges to the Convention? What will be our relation to the platform committee hearings? I could go on, but these are some of the questions.

Corky Gonzales: I am wondering what relation the Mexican-American community will have to any possible structure. I must remind the blacks, who sometimes overlook us, about the oppression of their brown brothers and sisters. If the structure were divided into black and white, where would the browns fit in?

Carlos: The black caucus assumed that the Mexican-American community would be a part of the black coalition, but that would depend on decisions of people like yourself and Obed Lopez.

Sid Lens: At the Pentagon in October, we said we could no longer operate within the system. Now we must find ways to convince Americans outside the movement to join us outside the system. It will not serve our purpose to disrupt the Convention. We must expose it. Americans must learn that the chairman of the Democratic Party is also the President of Con Edison, hardly a position for a man who is expected to care about the poor.

Tom Hayden: An organization develops to challenge the Democratic Party, it must project a non-violent, legal face. We cannot call for violence, although violence is a major method of change in this society. We cannot mobilize thousands to fight a war at the Convention. Wars may be fought locally. A national mobilization is another matter. It must be legal and have a particular kind of political meaning. It must be designed to reach out to new people. New people will come to the Convention not because of America's racist and imperialist policies but because the party doesn't represent anyone. Our major emphasis should be on the unrepresentative nature of the Democratic party.

Fred Halstead: We should have a demonstration in Chicago whether or not it is allowed by the city. We should definitely go ahead with an action. But it would be a mistake to develop a national organization as the real purpose behind such an action. Once we agree on the action, we need a loose coordinating group to bring people to Chicago, and nothing more.

Don Hamerquist: Why do we want a confrontation with the Democratic Party? In the political framework of most people, there is an identity with the Democratic Party. The illusion people hold about the country, they also hold about the Party. What we must do is make concrete demands on the Convention which the Convention cannot respond to. Our confrontation must be political in the sense of winning people away from the Democratic Party. The organization that develops around this activity should emphasize local organizing and political education. It should develop an alternative ideology and real leadership for the left in the country.

Sid Peck: Our previous national actions had limited objectives. Now there are signs that our objectives will be too broad. We cannot move too fast or beyond the meager base that we have. We do not yet have a base against imperialism, for example. And we should not make a mechanical division between imperialism and racism either. The two issues affect all Americans.

Carlos Russell: I want to respond briefly to a couple of points. First, the war is not the major issue for blacks. Blacks are concerned about their own survival and liberation. We are working from separate concerns. Second, it is not our intention to build another organization, like NCNP, in case anyone was thinking that.

Sue Munaker: It is not premature to discuss the issue of imperialism. Many people - more than we realize - are ready to consider that perspective and with them, we should talk about the war in those terms. Those who are not at that level, we should reach in other ways, without dismissing the broader perspective in our work.

It seems ludicrous to discuss what should happen on specific days in Chicago. We should be focusing on what people do now. Is the action of the summer going to fit into the timetables of our different organizations? Do different groups, such as draft resistance, prefer many local actions rather than one national action? We should be talking about how we will organize between now and the spring.

Jim Rollins: I oppose, at this time, a demonstration in Chicago, because we can't come out with anything that gives us power. We should continue to work locally.

Steward Meacham: We should develop a paper of demands, a program or document on war, racism and self-determination. The document should have radical content but be expressed in a moderate tone with emphasis on reason and moral arguments. It should de-emphasize ideological terms.

Jack Spiegel: We can't call 200,000 people to Chicago and then disassociate ourselves from violence. Disruption and violence will occur. It's going to happen and we'll have to deal with that fact. I think one form for the Chicago demonstration should be a "people's convention" to express our beefs. We should gather at Soldier's Field, hold our Convention, and then march on the Democratic Convention. Perhaps we could elect 300 to 500 representatives who demand to enter the Convention to air our grievances.

Lincoln Lynch: The question of a demonstration has not yet been decided. There are many approaches, inside and outside the Convention. Possibility we could develop a platform for self-determination, calling for the DC vote, withdraw from Vietnam and so on. Before we go too far, we must get clear on our objectives.

Earl Durham: The question of black participation in the Convention is based on how it strengthens the black base and organizing in the black community. That is why we stress the theme of racism and imperialism. The confrontation should help lead to the transfer of power in the ghetto. We must insist that this be a fight against racism in the white community.

Dave Welch: I have talked to radicals inside and outside the Peace and Freedom Party and all are opposed to any petitioning of the Democratic Party. Are we for reforming the Democratic Party of building a mass movement? If we petition the Democrats it will only serve the interests of the dump-Johnson campaign. We should say fuck the Democratic Party. Also, we should focus on actions against the police, as an illegitimate use of state power.

Bob Greenblatt: I like the idea of a "people's convention." Since we should be discussing in August what happens in the fall, perhaps after the funeral march on the Democratic Convention, we should march back to our own convention to decide on next steps for the movement.

Dave Dellinger: We are confusing the discussion of local organizing and spring and summer activity with what will happen in August. We need to be more precise about what could happen in Chicago. Certainly there has to be many levels in which people can participate. While the Pentagon action moved the consciousness of the nation and of the participants, there was not enough preparation and follow through. We should begin now to expose the Democratic Party. We must expose the electoral illusion. Discussions and working papers should raise the Chicago action in a broader perspective.

Lucy Montgomery: I want to agree with much of what's been said. I only want to say that I don't believe anyone can control what will happen in Chicago. I like the idea of the people's assembly.

Charlene Mitchell: Why are we "opposed" to the war and "concerned" about racism. Blacks, each time they mention racism, must refer to the Mexicans and Puerto Ricans.

Fred Halstead: Radicals should never petition the Democratic Party, unless we are petitioning to abolish capitalism. We must explain the need to break with the Democratic Party. I believe it is possible for the movement to set a tone for the Chicago action and I believe the movement should. Finally, I agree with the idea of a document which would have radical content but moderate tone.

Dagmar Wilson: At some point, we've got to stop street walking and go to war. But I don't want to go to war over nothing. It's not that I'm opting out, but it's too soon for war. I'm not sure about this event. I feel we need to do more than hack away at a dying system. We need, somehow, to construct an alternative.

Corky Gonzoles: In our movement and demonstrations, we must distinguish between those who have something to lose and those who do not. We must support those who will put their bodies on the line. And we must find a way to get economic support to these people, before OEO and the Ford Foundation buy them off.

workshop reports:

Afternoon: Nearly all afternoon was spent in black and white workshops considering ways that the issues raised by the four alternative strategic perspectives might be discussed and voted on in a representative movement gathering. The summary report of those two workshops follows:

Carlos Russell: These were the decisions of the black workshop: (1) we agreed on the idea of a dual movement conference to consider and vote on the different perspectives; (2) We will circulate a position paper on the issues in the next several days to all black people who attended the Black Power Conference in Newark and the NCNP Convention and to members of the Puerto Rican and Mexican-American communities; (3) we established an administrative group to carry out the details of preparing for the conference. The groups is Caroline Black, Corky Gonzoles, Lincoln Lynch and Carlos Russell; (4) final decision about the general strategy, the relationship between blacks and whites and the black leadership for any coalition would be decided at the convention. The convention would operate somewhat like the planning meeting today. There would be some joint sessions, but most of the work would take place in separate workshops; (5) The four people on the administrative committee would function only to prepare for the movement conference. Any permanent structure would come out of the conference itself.

Tom Hayden: These were the decisions of the anti-war workshop: (1) We should call and prepare for a large movement conference. The conference would be invitational and include three types of representation: from constituency organizations, from coalition or area-wide groupings, from individuals expressing strong interest; (2) The convention would be asked to consider the four perspectives and to establish machinery for developing and carrying out the adopted perspective; (3) An interim committee would (a) develop an invitational list in consultation with the broadest spectrum of movement leadership; (b) contact people to write working papers on the various positions and ideas circulating about the Democratic Convention; (c) organize pre-conference meetings to discuss the various perspectives, through organizational regional contacts; (d) take general responsibility for the administration and management of the conference; (4) The suggested date for the conference is March 23-24; (5) The interim committee would consist of 14 people.

The discussion which followed attempted to resolve divergences in the two proposals. The principal item dealt with the size of the two interim committees.

It was argued that the committees did not have to be politically representative if a smaller, administrative committee would follow the guidelines developed by this planning meeting. The final decision was to add Earl Durham to be black interim committee and to cut back the white committee to the following people: Rennie Davis, Dave Dellinger, Bob Greenblatt, Tom Hayden, Sue Munaker. These individuals volunteered to work as staff for the conference preparation.

Participants:

Kendra, Alexander, NCNP, black caucus
Carolyn Black, National DuBois
Greg Calvert, SDS
Dovie Coleman, WRDA
Tom Cornell, FOR
William Darden, WSO
Rennie Davis, CRR
Dave Dellinger, Natl Mob
Don Duncan, Ramparts
Earl Durham, SNCC
Corky Gonzoles, Crusade for Justice
Bob Greenblatt, Natl Mob
Vernon Grizzard, Boston Resistance
Fred Halstead, SWP
Don Hamerquist, CP
Jim Hawley, Peace and Freedom
Tom Hayden
Frank Joyce, People Against Racism
Sid Lens, Natl Mob
Obed Lopez
Lincoln Lynch, UBF
Steward Meacham, AFSC
Charlene Mitchell, Black caucus
Lucy Montgomery, Women's Coalition
Sue Munaker, Radical Women
Sid Peck, Ohio Peace Action
James Rollins, black caucus
Fred Rosen, NY Resistance
Paul Rupert, CADRE; Resistance
Jack Spiegel, Chicago Peace Council
David Welsh, Peace and Freedom
George Wiley, NWRO
Dagmar Wildon, WSP
Leni Zeiger, Berkeley campus

organizations listed for identification only.

Invitational List

NATIONAL MOBILIZATION COMMITTEE TO END THE WAR IN VIETNAM

(The following persons have been formally invited to attend meetings of the Administrative Committee)

Rev. Ralph Abernathy
690 Laverne Drive
Atlanta, Ga.
H: 404-524-1464
O: 404-794-6580

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Rev. James Bevel
c/o Washington Mobilization
St. Stephen & Incarnation Church
16th & Newton Sts. NW
Washington, D.C. 20010 (202) 387-7374 (o)

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Stokely Carmichael
c/o SNCC
360 Nelson St. SW
Atlanta, GA. 30313
(404) 688-0331

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Ron Clark
National CORE
200 W. 135th Street
New York, N.Y.
O: 281-9650
H: SW 5-5466

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Rev. Richard Fernandez
c/o Clergy Concerned
475 Riverside Dr. - Rm 560
NYC 10027
O: 870-2283
H: (215) EV 2-7920

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James Forman
c/o SNCC
100 Fifth Ave.
NYC

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Jesse Gray
300 W. 121st Street
NYC
864-8644
864-9211

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Jim Haughton
c/o Harlem Unemployment Center
139 W. 125th St.
NYC 10027
666-0787

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John Lewis
343 W. 21st St.
NYC
YU 6-6688
691-6172

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Lincoln Lynch
c/o CORE
200 W. 135 St.
NYC 10030
281-9650

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Nation of Islam
c/o Muhammad Speaks
634 East 79 Street
Chicago, Illinois
(312) AB4-8622

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Jack O'Dell
c/o Freedomways
799 Broadway
NYC

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Bill Pepper
c/o NCNP
250 W. 57th St. - Suite 1528
NYC 10019
265-5626

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Floyd McKissick
c/o CORE
200 West 135th St.
NYC 10030
281-9650

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Jose Ristorucci
c/o DuBois Clubs
862 Sixth Ave.
NYC 10011
889-4125

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Cleveland Robinson
District 65
13 Astor Place
NYC 10003
OR 3-5120

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Jack Spiegel
647 W. Buckingham Pl.
Chicago, Il.
(312) AR 6-3670 (o)
(312) GR 2-3450 (h)

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Harriet Tanzman
Ft. Hood 3 Defense Comm.
22 East 17 St. - Rm 615
NYC 10003
243-5116

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Ruth Turner
CORE
200 West 135 Street
NYC
O: 281-9650
H: 289-6445

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Rev. Andrew Young
c/o SCLC
334-Auburn Ave. N.E.
Atlanta, Ga. 30303

486 Brooklyn Avenue
Brooklyn, New York Office

March 8, 1968

Dear Brothers and Sisters:

Several black folks interested in the black community's reaction to the coming Democratic national Convention got together informally on February 11 in Chicago. Our interest was in discussing activities that could be meaningful the the black community in the coming election year 1968 as a means to strengthening the grass roots organizations among the black people. We felt that one area of the struggle against racism was exposing the racist, corrupt, imperialist character of the Democratic Party and the U.S. as a whole through a meaningful election year program for the black community.

Many of the predominantly white anti-war organizations were also present at the February 11 Chicago meeting. After a preliminary exchange, we separated into a black caucus to discuss the desirability of participation in actions at the Democratic National Convention. We took the position that we could not commit our black brothers and sisters to any participation until we had a full consultation. We are, therefore, taking this opportunity to consult on the widest basis possible and to gather a consensus and direction.

On March 22-24 in Chicago, separate conferences are scheduled for black liberation and white anti-war organizers with the goal of creating a parallel organizational structure in which black and white people operate from a basis of separate and equal strength.

We are asking you for your opinions. We made it crystal clear that we would not be committed to any policy or activity until we heard from you. The final decision as to out participation lies in your response. The program and activities for blacks will be determined by you. If you agree to meet in Chicago, those of us who have been in on the first discussion will take the responsibility only for structuring the black caucus, arrangements of travel where possible, housing and other physical arrangements. However, we must hear from you as soon as possible. Please send ideas and comments with the enclosed sheet to:

Carlos Russell
486 Brooklyn Avenue
Brooklyn, New York

Also, as you prepare to come to Chicago, we would suggest that thought be given to the format, structure and content of a meaningful challenge to the Democratic National Convention. Our emphasis must be on meaningful and effective action that helps us to build in the ghettos against racism and war and for black self-determination. Our participation in this event must lead in this direction. We must act together for:

Freedom, Power and Peace,

Kendra Alexander
Corky Gonzales
Lincoln Lynch
Carlos Russell
Hosea Williams
John Wilson

Enclosed working paper is for discussion only and to stimulate your reaction to the idea.

As to the attitude of the black community to the demonstration Dave [Dellinger] pointed out that the opinions of Lincoln Lynch, Cleveland Robinson, John Wilson, and Ralph Abernathy have been solicited and informal contact with MFDP [Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party] and other groups has been maintained. He felt the Chicago office must make greater effort to keep lines of communication open with Blackstone Rangers and other Chicago blacks.

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GENERAL AGENDA: Summary of plans to date by Dave Dellinger
Series of proposals fleshing out the ideas formulated at Cleveland by Rennie Davis with additions from his Chicago staff Implementation

WHERE WE ARE BY DAVE: According to decisions of previous meeting, the most recent being held July 20 in Cleveland, Mob is planning a 6 day program at the Chicago convention. Instead of focusing on particular candidates, the activities will be issue-oriented, centering around the twin demands: IMMEDIATE WITHDRAWAL OF TROOPS FROM VIETNAM AND AN END TO THE OPPRESSION OF BLACK AND POOR PEOPLE AT HOME. The broad outline of the plan specifies several days of diversified activities emenating from about 40 movement centers around Chicago and a massive section at the time of the nomination. Dave emphasized two points;

1. Our purpose is not to disrupt the convention, but to demonstrate on behalf of the central issues.

2. Though we do not focus on any of the candidates we wish to have a positive relationship with the mass of their supporters on the issues around which we agree, namely, the ending of aggression in Vietnam and in the black communities.